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II ETHNIC ROOTS STRATIFICATION: The Indian society is divided into groups based on territoriality, language and endogamy and other social-cultural characteristics. Many of these groups referred as caste, sub-castes and as defined by social scientistics. The culture of the same groups may be so similar that they are considered in the estimation of outsiders as one community. The Marwari trading community encompasses several castes (Jati). Some of such communities practice as their traditional occupation and often called Bania. In connection with their specialization in trade, these communities have developed various institutions which enable them to travel extensively. The wives and children are left at home so that males can pursue trade more aggressively. The joint family provides shelter for members left at home. Wandering traders find wherever they go support and hospitality accorded to them by their brethren. Marwari first settled in Basa, collective mass run by big firms, or on the basis of co-operation in major towns. The Marwaris of the bygone are were lagging behind than other elite classes in terms of formal education. They were more conservative in social out-look and later entrant in industry when compared with some other trading communities, but do pay dominant role in the trade of North East India. The first Marwari firm was established prior to 1818 in the border port of Goalpara, then under Benal Presidency in Assam and before Assam was incorporated into British India. Goalpara is one of the first towns across the Assam border on the Brahmaputra river. It was a natural centre for trade between British India and was free from the British rule. Several Marwari firms established their branches there to trade in grain and opium. Gradually they acquired estates and established provision stores in many tea gardens. The first Agarwal immigrant to Assam was the father of Harbilas Aggarwal, who arrived in Assam from Churu in Shekhawati, soon after the British conquest of Assam in 1826. The bulk of Agarwals, however, arrived during the period 1860 to 1880. The earlier settlers had the tendency to settle down the Brahmaputra valley in Guwahati and neighbouring hill resort of Shillong and later in North Lakhimpur. The Bawris came to North East India in 1870's. In the North East India the Marwari managed shops in tea garden areas and financed tea planters. Almost the entire internal trade that is, the procurement of export goods such as rubber, cotton, cloves, paper, silk, etc. and distribution of various manufactured goods was in the hands of the Marwari communities right from the inception of British rule*. This had also been the home of the Bawris' who dealt in above goods from Dibrugarh. *Amalendu Guha, "Socio-Economic changes in Agrarian Assam". Trends of Socio-Economic changes in India 1871-1961 Ed. M.K. Chaudhuri, 1969, Simla p.542. The 1930's however, was a period of economic crisis and decline of the British Imperial rule. In India and for the Indian businessmen, it was characterised by the slow but steady progress in establishing and taking control of sectors of the national economy. The Marwaris took over some of the firms from 1937 to September 1939. The Government of India Act 1935 led to Congress controlled governments in most Indian states. The respective governments extended their patronage to domestic industry. The rising tide of nationalism was received on the government's part by various concessions. In the thirties the Congress leadership felt that it was being betrayed by the country's industrialists. With the Second World War in 1939, the Congress Government wavered off. The natural protection of interrupted trade routes with Europe, combined with the large scale military expenditure in India, provided new business opportunities. To support the then Burma-front, the United States and United Kingdom stationed around one million troops in India. Some business men like the Marwaris made money by supplying goods to the troops and speculating on war time markets. Other exploited natural resources such as coal, to set up series of industries to meet domestic needs. it may be mentioned here that the Barwris were one of the pioneer in this business. By 1942, the British Government in India was exhausted because it was deeply involved in World War II and could not pay much attention to Indian problems. So the British firms felt insecure in face of a future dominated by nationalists and were willing to sell out their firms to other Indian associates. Several Marwari firms bought Managing Agencies. The newly independent Government provided support for new enterprises by a policy of almost total protection. Further the series of Five Year Plans started in 1951 provided considerable impetus to the private sector. Politically, the Marwari contained to belong to that segment of the Indian business community which has sought accommodation, rather than confrontation. Socially, the Marwaris are still largely traditional but they have been moving fairly towards modernity. In every town or city, the Marwaris have their panchayati system to solve their social, economic, political and other problems. Let us find out what were the factors that led the emigration of the Bawris from their homeland in Rajasthan to the North Eastern Region of India? How did they know of the available resources in the North East which could be exploited by them and what were the difficulties faced by them while coming in contact with the people of the North Eastern Region? So far no published research material is available on the Bawris in North East India. Hence it is the first attempt in this direction. The different communities like the Maheshwaris and Agarwals have written down their historical background in Hindi. Moreover, the Marwaris settled in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Shillong, Guwahati and some other places in the North East have in a very scattered form recorded their stay in the respective regions. But these are mostly available in Hindi. Therefore to understand the migration of Bawris in the North East India the primary and the secondary source would be utilized. The primary sources being interviews, diaries and memoirs of leading personalities within the family. Secondary sources include study of books, reports of Akhil Bhartiya Marwari Sammelan, the Marwari Samaj Sevek etc., besides reviewing other relevant and available literature scattered throughout the region. PLACE OF ORIGIN: The main focus, however, would be the Bawries particularly those belonging to Shekhawati region of Rajasthan. The Shekhawati-land of heroes and dynamic entrepreneurs has made a noteworthy contribution to the social, religious, cultural, industrial and political field of not only Rajasthan but also of the country at large. Shekhawati derives its name from the brave Rao Shekhaji and his descendents. He was the great grandson of Balaji and son of Makalji. H was born in 1433.* Shekhaji established an independent state of Nan Amarsar. His descendants are called Shekhawats who later on expanded the Nan Amarsar State by wresting Regasa and Kosali from the Chandels, Khandela and Udaipurwati from the Nirban Chauhans. They also snatched Jhunjhunuwati from the Kayamkhanis and the Nahar Pargans from the Pathans. Thus, Shekhawati includes Nan Amarsar, Jhunjhununu, Udaipurwati, Sikar, Fatehpur, Dante Ramgarh and Khandela. It is on record that Balaji and Makalji used to pay to the chief of Ambar an annual tribute for all the cattle reared in the lands, but Shekhaji grew more powerful than his predecessors and became independent of the parent State. From then onwards, his area came to be known as Shekhawati.** *Bakshi, Jhunthalal, Madhav Vansh Prakash, (Hindi manuscript (unpublished) **Imperial Gazetteers of India, provincial Series, Rajputana, 1908, Government of India. The word "Shekhawati" was used for the first time in 1803 by Col. W.N. Gardener. Col. James Tod, labels this territory as the 'Shekhawati Federation' and shows it under the former Jaipur State in his book. Shekhawati, comprising the present Jhunjhunu and Sikar district, is in Jaipur division and situated in the North West of Jaipur. It lies between 27.20 degree and 28.34 degree North Latitudes and 74.41 degree and 76.6 degree East Longitudes. The entire region takes almost a round shape. Its total area is about 13.784 sq.km.@ Shekhawati is bounded on the North West by Churu district, Nagaur in the West, Jaipur in the South and the South-East and the state of Haryana in the North-East. Shekhawati thus cover almost one fifth of Jaipur division. The area of this region is about 25.05 percent of the total area of Rajasthan@@. For administration, Shekhawati is divided into two districts-Sikar and Jhunjhunu. These are six divisions, namely Sikar, Fatehpur, Neem Ka Thana, Jhunjhunu, Nawalgarh and Khetri. These subdivisions have been further divided into ten tehsils- viz. Sikar, Danta Ramgarh, Lachmangarh, Fatehpur, Srimandhopur, Neem Ka Thana, Jhunjhunu, Khetri, Nawalgarh, Chirawa, Mandawa, Udaipurwati, Baggar, Mukandagarh, Surajgarh, Pilani, Bissau, Mandela, Gotra and Vidhya Vihar.@@@ The twentieth municipality, that is, Bissau is the place from where the Bawris trace their ancestry. It is the land from where they migrated to the different parts of Eastern India in the mid-nine-tenth century. It may be noted the Bawris left their place of origin and for all practical purposes settled in the North Eastern Region of India. @Generally, it is believed that Shekhawati derives its name from Rao Shekhaji. But actually the name was given to the region later. Shekhaji had simply established an independent State of Amarsar by conquering and annexing 360 neighbouring villages. @@Narayan Singh, Shekhawati ka bhogol (Hindi) pag.15 @@@ Srivastava, I.C. District Census handbook, Directorate of Census Operations, Rajasthan, 1981.
GOTRE: The descendent of Raja Agrasen are referred to as the 'Agarwals'. Historically, it has been said that Raja Agrasen after developing his Kingdom went to the dense forest for meditation. After, two decades Mahalaxmi was pleased with his sincerity and blessed him and, said that henceforth his family's name would be immortal. With the blessings of Mahalaxmi he went fourteen Kilometers towards the west in between the Ganga-Jamuna and established the 'AGRAK NAGAR'. To honour the diety, a Mahalaxmi Temple was constructed and Yagyas were performed. Seventeen Yagyas were performed in honour of God Vishnu but somehow, the eighteenth Yagyas was left incomplete by Rajas Agrasen. The names of the Gotras which started from these Yagyas are: GARG, GOYAL, GAWAL, WATSIL, KASIL, SINGAL, MANGAL, MANDAL, TITAL, ARAN, GHARON, DHINGAL, JINDAL, GORIL, MITTAL, TAYAL, TUNDAL, GAVAN. From the above, Jindal is the Gotra of the Bawris and the Khemkas. THE MARWARIS: THEIR ORIGIN AND MIGRATION.
From 1860-1990 the Marwaris moved out of Rajasthan to Calcutta and other places and found niche there. They then successfully accumulated capital in trade acquiring leading roles as Exporters- Importers, stock brokers or speculators. In this process they gained eminence in business circles of Calcutta. This seems to have been achieved by the beginning of the first World War. The first Marwari group entered in industry only after World War I. They participated in long range trade and high finance during the Moghul period (1525-1707). In the 18th century the Jagat Seth House (Marwari Oswal) were bankers to the Nawabs and Nazims of Bengal and played pivotal role in making and unmaking of the rulers. The greatest impetus to Marwari migration, however, were the British rulers rather than the Moghuls. The first European trading company arrived in India, in the sixteenth century. British commercial activities entered initially on finding goods to send from England to sell in exchanging for the cloth and other commodities of Indian origin having a demand there. By the end of the eighteenth century British demand of cloth had declined. Instead, a triangular trade developed in which opium went to China for exchange of Chinese tea which was sent to England in order to exchange for various manufactured goods to be imported back to India. In Assam, the Marwaris assumed the role of money lenders and merchants. The financed growth of new cash crop which the British demanded. In the Brahmaputra valley of Assam and North Bengal, they had the monopoly of export of all products except tea which remained within the hands of English. Indigenous businessmen never seem to have existed in large number in these areas. Their settlement seems to date from the opening of these areas to outside trade from 1840 onwards. The Shekhawati Agarwals often started as shopkeepers initially with small capital and later took a grip over business by advancing loans to whole sale distributors of their community. Rapidly, they became small scale money lenders, financing the production of crops like opium followed by cotton demanded by the British. Though documentary records is difficult to locate, it appears that these large firms received much of their working capital through banking firms of Bikaner and Ajmer. The new links of railways and telegraph also directly facilitated the long range migration. Families could be left at home in native village in Rajasthan and visited at intervals. Communications could be maintained with brothers. In Assam, the first firm Maha Singh Rai Meghraj Bahadur arrived in Goalpara and Guwahati around 1828, but the mass of migrants waited for the opening of the railways in 1870-1880. In Assam, the large number of Marwari firms dealing in general merchandise, commission purchase and also financed the local agricultural crops. Later, the accumulated funds of these firms enabled them to finance English owned tea gardens and after the World War I to purchase some of these. the large scale entry of Marwari firms into the industry, however, is the post independence phenomenon. The Eastern India massive Marwari migrations dated back to 1860. Census was conducted in India in 1871, but this census does not permit us to follow most of the actual Marwari migrations which occurred before 1881. After 1881, they provide clues of location and relative size of different segments of the Marwari migration. Since the major migration of family members including women-folk occurred much later than that men, it seems likely that most Marwari migrants as late as 1920 were actually born in Rajasthan since women remained at home in Rajasthan. But then they brought their families out of Rajasthan and had their children in new domicile. The quantity, timing, destination, degree of commitment and selectivity were the main considerations for migration of Marwari. The migrants made a move from one destination to another destination and later settled there. Semi-permanent migrants made a move to one place where they stayed for a long period usually till their retirement. The short term migrants move from one to another for a few years and then returned to their homeland and the area of their operation. Some came for a fixed period in order to achieve the present goal. However the dominant pattern of Marwari migration was of the permanent nature. Marwaris normally moved out in their youth and remained as immigrant, except for vocational trips, until their retirement. Some of the early migrants used to extend their trips to the point that they may more precisely be identified as periodic migrants. Some of the later migrants in the North East can be considered permanent migrants, against business based in the princely states of Rajasthan. On the other hand, they provided relative security of property to those based in British India. The impact of British administration was the decline of former centres of political power and the rise of new commercial ones and also to shift the trade routes on which merchant perforce must live. The changing pattern of available opportunities illustrates how the Marwaris confirm to the general statement about migration from region of less to more opportunities. Migration: The British conquest curtailed many traditional avenues of Marwari endeavor i.e. the financing and serving of India Princely courts. At the same time, the British needed experienced intermediaries as their agents to supply the armies and to help in the conduct of Government finances. The demand for the provisions of credit against land expanded. Increased physical security gave additional assurance to money lenders and traders in their ventures. The Marwaris were the natural choice to play the role created by the British. New trade routes have always been key incentives for mercantile migration. The decline of the traditional routes through Rajasthan and the construction of railways from Delhi to Calcutta in 1860's led the migration to new areas. The Marwari movement to Assam stimulated by the growth of jute trades in this region. Circumstantial factors like the outbreak of Plague and were also motivated Marwari migration. The Census report of 1911 stated that "the Marwari is ever the first to move out of the land of their origin or elsewhere, on the advent of the epidemic". There were severe famines in Rajasthan in 1812-13, 1868-69 and 1891-92, but there were little indication that these were the times that accelerated migration of businessman. On the contrary, according to some observers, businessmen were able to assist in transportation of grains from distant a land to the affected areas and in this the element of profit was quite attractive. The initial migrants were mostly young adult males. The fact that migrants are generally young and new entrants in career building cycle seems to be almost universal phenomenon. In these areas, joint families, existed in the homes in which aged wives and children can be maintained with minimum expenditure. At the large stage, joined their mates particularly after 1903 and the first line of Shekhawatis took of. This was the beginning of a new naturalised generation. According to Ravenstein, a Britisher himself, "Bad or oppressive laws, heavy taxation, an unattractive climate, uncongenial social surroundings, and even compulsion (slave trade transportation) all have produced and are still producing currents of migrations, but none of such currents can be compared in volume with that which arises from the dis-inherent in most men to better themselves in material aspects." It was clearly voluntary acceptance of the economic opportunity that pre-dominated in the Marwari case. Concerning the barren fields of Rajasthan, once their princely regimes the prosperous trade routes decline, did not present attractive opportunities for commercial, agricultural and trade. People who were functionally specialised in trade thus move to other areas where the terrain could sustain an exportable surplus of Opium, jute, cotton or wool. As opportunities opened up in the development of Assam, Marwari businessmen rushed to take them up. Elsewhere where opportunities were absent, they move less rapidly. The Marwaris moved out of Rajasthan in response to opportunities thrown upon for trade in India. They specifically move to those areas which formed a commercial vacum, wherein indigenous population was neither well organized nor provided with other requisites to exploit the new trading opportunities opened by expanding communication links and development of manufacturing units and lack of these incentives in the land of origin, accelerated the out migration. The establishment of the British rule (1756-1803) furnished the condition for Marwari migration. On the other hand, it caused the decline in their traditional occupation of money lending to the warring princely states and trading along Rajasthan's narrow routes. On the one hand, it opened new avenues of commerce that the British were developing. On the other hand, the British pursued the policy of discrimination in allotting he role in sphere of new commercial sectors. More relevant is the 'incremental' factors, the role of an already existent settlement played in facilitating further settlement. Sometimes, the presence of one big firm would attract immigration. It was the 'incremental factor' that led the Bawris to leave their ancestral home and settle in Dibrugarh, Assam. Further, shops were established in new areas because the agents belonging to their families and friends were already operating there. The precarious economic base of the Rajputs nobles and the resultant potential for interqua and unscapation drove many of them into banditry. In the early nineteenth century, Shekhawati was a byword for the bandits among the British. This level of lawlessness was certainly one factor maintaining the migration of the businessmen of this area. Marwari migrants slowly moved upto the Brahmaputra Valley through North Bengal border, in Goalpara, with Marwari firms already prominent in 1818. By 1860, they were already stationed in Dibrugarh. The bulk of the immigration to Assam seem to date from the period of considerable development of the English owned Tea gardens. Oswals and Shekhawatis Agarwals (49) especially from Tatagarh (13) and Lakshamgarh (6), monopolised the wholesale trade of Assam and North Bengal. To supply the English owned plantation, they financed much of the tea trade by the credit they fetched through the Calcutta Banking firms. Only after the World War-I did a few Marwari buy tea gardens on the own account. Social situation The Calcutta census of 1921 records that the Marwari of the period were literate pretty much and at par in this respect with the elite caste of Bengal. Their level of English literature was, however, lower than even the medium ranking indigenous Bengali communities, and their female literacy was almost nil. The upcountry mercantile class-Oswals, Maheshwari and Agarwals pay little attention to education of their women folk who are strictly secluded behind purdah. As the Marwari moved to industry, other transformation occurred among them. Movements for nationalism, social reforms and modernisation swept the community. In parts these movements helped to put Marwaris into industry because it was felt to be more productive than trade. Industry decreased dependence on England while trade was the substance of that dependence. Industry was a modern activity, trade a traditional one. Entry into industry was both an oppression and a cause of the nationalist and the reformist impulses of the community. Industry was profitable. It enable its owners to contribute to political movements, to aspire to higher social levels, even to abandon industry if they wished and taking their dividends income with them and work in their field. The Marwari community was strongly affected by the movement for social reform, the abolition of untouchability and the nationalist movement. This was true especially after World War I and their first entry into industry. Many Marwaris were prominent Gandhian workers in their own right, but the primary contribution of the community was naturally financial. In the years before independence that is, 1947 the amount of money they gave to the Nationalist movement has been estimated in excess of ten crores rupees. As in other Indian communities in the Marwari too a drive for social reforms was launched to change those practices which appeared repugnant to the community's elites. First, the reformist attacked on strictures like those against foreign travels which hindered the Marwari in their commercial activities. There was another attack on custom which was meant to oppress the women by their seclusion in purdah, the denial for obtaining formal education, the prevention of their remarriage if they became widows. There was a concern to abolish customs that were seen as demeaning the community such as the enjoyment of rabbled humour and dancing girls during weddings and funerals which spiralled as the prosperity of the community grew, and appeared burdensome to the poor and wasteful to the rich. Finally there was attack on the very principle of caste system itself by pragmatising marriage at first over minor barriers like those between Marwaris and Non-Marwari Agarwals and finally among different castes. Over the period since Independence the Marwari community has continued to go through radical transformation. The education level has risen dramatically, as University and even professional degrees have become the norm for the business managers. The young generation of Marwari has adopted more fully the Anglo-Indian way of life of the rest of the business elite; the exclusive clubs and schools of a more western and luxurious style of living and even diversion such as Golf and horse-racing. To some extent this new life style still occurs in specially Marwari institutions, but even here communal barriers have been declining. Politically, the major Marwari firms have continued to belong to that segment of the Indian business community which sought accommodation, rather than confrontation with the sometimes anti-business policies of the ruling Congress Government. Socially, the Marwari firms are still largely familistic and traditional, but they having been moving fairly rapidly in the direction of more modern management techniques. Their youth are now graduates or hold post graduate degrees, such as Master of Business Administration or Engineering Programmes. They leave more and more of their affairs to professionals. The major manager of sales, production, and so forth are now professional and move firm to firm with considerable case. For Indian business as a whole, post-Graduate Education is now a managerial norm. Even the traditional firms have been able to engage in highly sophisticated enterprises by careful use of traditionalities and accounting procedures, such as emphasis on cash flow. They accommodate personnel needs by training relatives and community follows to fill posts or redefining roles so that "outside" personnel could be employed. They do this without relinquishing their final control over finances. One key informant compared the role of these Head Office of the Marwaris with that of the Head Office of an American conglomerate. The daily and monthly financial statement are monitored. As long as adequate return is maintained nothing is done. If the firm starts slipping on escalating series enquiries may be followed by a visit from a trouble shooter, and perhaps finally by a shake-up of the management, if desired.
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